aaaaaaadjsf [he/him, comrade/them]

I don’t know what this is

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Joined 6 年前
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Cake day: 2020年7月26日

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  • Storm Shadow missiles have a range of about 250km (155 miles), similar to the US Atacms, and have in the past been given to Kyiv by the UK and France to strike targets inside Ukraine’s internationally recognised borders.

    This depends. The Storm Shadow/SCALP missiles Ukraine has, have had their range restricted to approximately this so far to comply with missile export controls and treaties. The domestic UK and French variants have an unrestricted range of around 560km/350mi, and there have been talks of sending Storm Shadow/SCALP missiles without restrictions to Ukraine. However, such a range could put Moscow in range of Ukrainian strikes, so I don’t think the US/UK or France will give Ukraine unrestricted Storm Shadow/SCALP missiles, it would be seen as too large of an escalation/an unacceptable escalation. But crazier things have happened in this war so far…


  • aaaaaaadjsf [he/him, comrade/them]@hexbear.nettoGlobal News@lemmy.zipUkraine is now struggling to survive, not to win
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    2 年前

    It’s not an agenda, it’s the reality. According to Reuters, Russia captured 196 square kilometres of Ukrainian territory in one week yesterday. To give you an idea of what that means in the scale of the conflict, Ukraine currently control 570 square kilometres of Kursk, and controlled a maximum of 1000 square kilometres at the peak of the incursion. This was touted as their massive offensive into Russian territory. In other words, Russia captured the equivalent of over a third of the Russian territory Ukraine holds in Kursk, in one week in Ukraine. Ukraine has lost multiple “fortress cities” over the past month, which has crippled their ability to defend their territory.

    The fact that even the Economist, a source which is usually pro US foreign policy and pro Ukraine, is admitting that things are going bad in Ukraine should be very concerning.







  • aaaaaaadjsf [he/him, comrade/them]@hexbear.nettoOpen Source@lemmy.ml***
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    2 年前

    Stenzek gets a ton of abuse from the emulation community that is undeserved. I remember when he made PlayStation 2 emulation on Android possible with AetherSX2 under another username/alias, a massive technological leap, and the community treated him like trash. Moves like this are just in response to the entitlement and poor behaviour that some people directed towards Stenzek. Yes it sucks for the rest of us who behave appropriately online, but none of this would be happening if others treated the guy with respect in the first place.








  • I’ve updated my first response.

    But as for looking at it in a Marxist way (obviously you are correct in that Marx did not mention unequal exchange, the chapter of Capital based on international trade never saw daylight and it is impossible to know what Marx would’ve written), Samir Amin came up with two accumulation models.

    I have proposed two accumulation models, one involving the center and the other the periphery. The model involving the center is governed by the articulation of Capital’s two Departments, I and II, which, by that fact, expresses the coherence of a self-centered capitalist economy. Contrariwise, in the periphery model, the articulation that governs the reproduction of the system links exports (the motive force) to (induced) consumption. The model is “outward-turned” (as opposed to “self-centered”). It conveys a “dependence,” in the sense that the periphery adjusts “unilaterally” to the dominant tendencies on the scale of the world system in which it is integrated, these tendencies being the very ones governed by the demands of accumulation at the center…

    These conditions, governing accumulation on a world scale, thus reproduce unequal development. They make clear that the underdeveloped countries are so because they are super-exploited and not because they are backward…

    The “two models,” nonetheless, constitute but a single reality, that of accumulation operative on a world scale, and characterized by the articulation of Marx’s Departments I and II—grasped henceforward at the global scale and no longer at the scale of societies at the center. For the periphery’s exports, at this scale, become constitutive elements of constant capital and variable capital (whose prices they lower), while their imports fulfill functions analogous to those of Department III: that is to say, they facilitate the realization of excess surplus-value.


  • There is no unequal exchange. Workers in more developed countries get paid more because they produce more per hour.

    There are statistics showing the amount of steel or the amount of grain produced per man-hour of labour in India might be 10-100 times lower than in the USA or UK (because workers use more technologically advanced tools).

    The important question to ask here, if we want to work within this model, is why countries in the periphery do not use the labour techniques and tools used by by centre and combine this with their lower peripheral wages? Surely this would generate more profit than using their inefficient techniques. Secondly, if this could be the case, why hasn’t all capital fled from the centre to the periphery, as this would make the most profit. Lastly, given the current distribution of techniques and technology being what it is, one has to ask the question: is the international division of labour that results from that, with the centre specialising in certain branches of production, and the periphery responsible for other branches, compatible with equal exchange? If it was, the fractional share of products the centre produces that are exchanged for what the periphery produces, at a single price for each product, should be equal. But is it?

    One possible answer here is that labour is not exploited uniformly; the rates of surplus value are unequal. And this needs to be explained in terms of value, rather than in direct prices. And how is this unequal exploitation of labour manifested? It is manifested through unequal exchange. It is this unequal exploitation of labour, and the unequal exchange that results from it, that dictates inequality in the international distribution of labour. Demand is distorted structurally across a global scale, which accelerates self centred acculturation in the centre, while hindering dependent, extroverted accumulation in the periphery.